Argument Encoding in Japanese Conversation by Mitsuaki Shimojo (auth.)

By Mitsuaki Shimojo (auth.)

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E. proper nouns or personal pronouns) are more likely to be zero-marked than other subjects (38% vs. 31%). But “other” objects are more likely to be zero-marked than “strongly definite” objects (54% vs. 43%). h. Grammatically defocused subjects and objects (which co-occur with other elements marked with an emphatic particle, such as mo “also,” dake “only,” and discourse particles yo and zo) are more likely to be zero-marked than other subjects and objects (37% vs. 32% for subjects, 63% vs. 50% for objects).

KURUMA ga KOSYOO-sita. The functional contrast of wa and ga shown in Lambrecht’s examples is as follows. e. g. Matsushita (1930), Mikami (1963), Kuno (1972, 1973), Ono (1973), Chafe (1976), Hinds & Hinds (1979), Inoue (1980), and Hinds (1984, 1987). The approach outlined above raises some issues. First of all, the characterization ignores the role played by the zero anaphora. The encoding of “old” information certainly subsumes zero anaphora, which denotes continuation of given information. Thus, if we claim wa’s anaphoric function in the pairing of wa and ga, the functional property of zero anaphor is rendered unclear.

This position is based on the fact that the zero particle is often obligatory; it cannot be replaced by any of the overt particles. In fact, a number of recent studies recognize two types of zero particle – those which can be replaced by an overt particle, and those which cannot. Examples are shown in (18): (18) a. /Ms. ” b. surprised In (a), while the use of wa would draw a sense of contrast, any of the three particles may be used in order to mark the NP, without changing the tone of the sentence drastically.

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