By Deborah McGrady, Jennifer Bain, Jeanette Patterson
Delivering the 1st entire examine of Guillaume de Machaut's monstrous corpus of textual content and track, the 18 essays during this assortment discover the author's engagement with the moral, political, and aesthetic issues of his time. development on interdisciplinary curiosity in Machaut, this assortment broadens dialogue of his paintings through exploring overlapping pursuits in his poetry and song; addressing lesser-studied writings; delivering clean views on lyric, authorial voice, and function; and interesting extra seriously together with his reception through medieval bookmakers, glossy editors, and the track undefined. the result's a promising map for destiny study within the box that might be of curiosity to scholars and experts alike.
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Additional info for A companion to Guillaume de Machaut
12 Jugement dou Roy de Behaingne, line 1, echoes Le Roman de la rose, ed. Félix Lecoy (Paris, 1965–75), 2, line 49. On the dog, see Palmer, “Metafictional Machaut”. 18 helen j. swift perspective on certain assumptions that underpin the position of the Prologue as a programmatic statement of Machaldian poetics. Developing the point that we should be cautious about imposing any generalised intention on Machaut’s persona, a short second section examines the varied manifestations of I in his dits, not only the different stances adopted by the persona, but also the other voices occupying first-person status in the narrative and the very nature of poetic I-hood.
With the exception of the Voir dit, all subsequent quotations of Machaut’s works come from this edition. The translations are mine. guillaume de machaut and the forms of pre-humanism 37 Car puisqu’Amours me grevera Et Fortune qui honni m’a, Ma grant loiauté m’ocira, Si com j’espoir Alas! misery! ]/What did I say? “Desire” will/ rather oppose me, maybe;/ because since Love will make me sad,/ and since Fortune banished me,/ my great loyalty will kill me,/ Just as I hope, lines 1401–32. Rather than exposing his love, in this dit, he keeps it a secret, and retires from court to compose a complaint regarding the power of Fortune (lines 905–1000), which has a special grasp on him (line 1193), a power even superior to the temporal one of political rulers (lines 1177–1192).
These authoritative works existed alongside a variety of translations of more recent works by John of Salisbury, Andreas Capellanus, and even Petrarch in Charles V’s royal library. 6 While the nineteenth century coined the term “humanism” to define specifically the activities of the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century authors concerned with political service as well as with genuine recovery of classical letters, it was, in fact, in the fifteenth-century that the Italian word umanista came to designate a person who practiced the studia humanitatis (studies of classical letters, especially rhetoric) with the aim of the full exploration of human identity and the preparation for moral leadership.